宗族的现代国家改造与村庄治理——以南部G市郊区“横村”社区治理经验为例
|
摘要
宗族是中国乡村传统社会最为重要的组织基础,在中国村庄治理中一直扮演着十分重要的角色。近现代以来,国家权力在乡村社会得以全面渗透,并对传统的宗族进行了现代化改造,但由于区域环境的差异以及偶然性因素的叠加,却造成了宗族参与村庄治理的不同症候。总结宗族型村落治理的现实经验以及宗族与国家关系的演变,可以概括出宗族参与现代村庄治理的一个类型学谱系:宗族在现代国家改造过程中,国家治理的组织体系与意识形态嵌入村落传统治理结构的不同程度,是产生宗族型村落不同治理后果的重要原因。依据国家与宗族在治理结构上的"组织互嵌度"与"意识形态耦合度",可以将现代宗族型村落概括为"博弈型宗族""对抗型宗族""边缘型宗族""治理型宗族"。其中"治理型宗族"是宗族接受现代国家改造的一个理想类型。横村的社区治理经验说明了"治理型宗族"的产生过程及其对村庄治理的积极意义,也阐释了传统治理资源对于现代乡村社会重建的可能价值。
Clan is the most important organizational foundation in Chinese traditional rural society,which has been playing a very important role in the village governance of China.In modern times,the state power has fully penetrated into the rural community and modernized the traditional clan.However,differences in the regional environment and superposition of contingency factors result in different problems of claninvolved village governance.By summarizing the practical experience of clan-type village governance and the evolution of relations between clan and country,we can get a typology pedigree,which is in the transformation process of the modern state,the combination of different degrees between organizational and ideological system of governance and traditional village governance structure is an important reason for the appearance of different governance consequences.Based on the‘mutual insertion of organizations’and‘coupling of ideology’on the governance structure of clan and country,modern clan villages can be summed up as‘Game-Type Clan’,‘Confrontation-Type Clan’,‘Borderline Clan’and‘Governance Model Clan’,of which the‘Governance Model Clan’is an ideal type of modernized clan.The management experience of Village Heng demonstrates the production process of‘Governance Model Clan’and its positive significance for village governance.At the same time it also shows that traditional governance resources have potential value for the reconstruction of modern rural society.
Clan is the most important organizational foundation in Chinese traditional rural society,which has been playing a very important role in the village governance of China.In modern times,the state power has fully penetrated into the rural community and modernized the traditional clan.However,differences in the regional environment and superposition of contingency factors result in different problems of claninvolved village governance.By summarizing the practical experience of clan-type village governance and the evolution of relations between clan and country,we can get a typology pedigree,which is in the transformation process of the modern state,the combination of different degrees between organizational and ideological system of governance and traditional village governance structure is an important reason for the appearance of different governance consequences.Based on the‘mutual insertion of organizations’and‘coupling of ideology’on the governance structure of clan and country,modern clan villages can be summed up as‘Game-Type Clan’,‘Confrontation-Type Clan’,‘Borderline Clan’and‘Governance Model Clan’,of which the‘Governance Model Clan’is an ideal type of modernized clan.The management experience of Village Heng demonstrates the production process of‘Governance Model Clan’and its positive significance for village governance.At the same time it also shows that traditional governance resources have potential value for the reconstruction of modern rural society.
引文
[1]Freedman M.Lineage Organization in Southeastern China[M].London:Athlone Press,1965:12.
[2]郑小春.明清徽州宗族与乡村治理:以祁门康氏为中心[J].中国农史,2008(3):94-103.
[3]朱爱岚.中国北方村落的社会性别与权力[M].南京:江苏人民出版社,2004.
[4]贺雪峰.乡村治理研究的三大主题[J].社会科学战线,2005(1):219-224.
[5]赖扬恩.中国农村社会的结构与原动力研究[M].武汉:华中科技大学出版社,2014:113-115.
[6]贺雪峰.论中国农村的区域差异——村庄社会结构的视角[J].开放时代,2012(10):108-129.
[7]谭同学.宗族、国家与社会:三重认同下的村治逻辑——兼论乡村治理研究的经验本位性[J].学习与实践,2006(6):94-99.
[8]金观涛,刘青峰.中国现代思想的起源:超稳定结构与中国政治[M].北京:法律出版社,2011.
[9]金观涛,刘青峰.兴盛与危机——论中国社会的超稳定结构[M].北京:法律出版社,2011.
[10]杜赞奇.文化、权力与国家——1900—1942年的华北农村[M].王福明,译.南京:江苏人民出版社,2008.
[11]李刚.南京国民政府民法·亲属法研究[D].开封:河南大学,2005.
[12]肖唐镖.从正式治理者到非正式治理者——宗族在乡村治理中的角色变迁[J].东岳论丛,2008(5):118-12.
[13]朱林芳.义庄:宗法一体化国家治理体系的一个样本[J].华中科技大学学报(社会科学版),2014(4):77-84.
[14]熊万胜,李宽,戴纯青.个体化时代的中国式悖论及其出路——来自一个大都市的经验[J].开放时代,2012(10):130-146.
[15]王阳.土客替代与都市郊区农村社区治理[J].南京农业大学学报(社会科学版),2015(4):16-25.
[16]吴家庆,苏海新.论我国乡村治理结构的现代化[J].湘潭大学学报(社会科学版),2015(3):25-31.
[17]徐选国.嵌入性治理:城市社区治理机制创新的一个分析框架[J].社会工作,2015(5):55-64.
[18]张祥平.制度对话:中国传统资源与西式模式优劣辨[M].北京:石油工业出版社,2001:5-7.
(1)三来一补:“三来”是指来料加工、来样加工、来件装配,“一补”是指补偿贸易,是改革开放初期尝试性地创立的一种企业合作贸易形式,始于1978年。“三来一补”的出现主要跟改革开放初期地方缺乏资金、技术和技术人员有关,但到了后期“三来一补”企业比例不断下降,并逐渐被“三资”取代。
[2]郑小春.明清徽州宗族与乡村治理:以祁门康氏为中心[J].中国农史,2008(3):94-103.
[3]朱爱岚.中国北方村落的社会性别与权力[M].南京:江苏人民出版社,2004.
[4]贺雪峰.乡村治理研究的三大主题[J].社会科学战线,2005(1):219-224.
[5]赖扬恩.中国农村社会的结构与原动力研究[M].武汉:华中科技大学出版社,2014:113-115.
[6]贺雪峰.论中国农村的区域差异——村庄社会结构的视角[J].开放时代,2012(10):108-129.
[7]谭同学.宗族、国家与社会:三重认同下的村治逻辑——兼论乡村治理研究的经验本位性[J].学习与实践,2006(6):94-99.
[8]金观涛,刘青峰.中国现代思想的起源:超稳定结构与中国政治[M].北京:法律出版社,2011.
[9]金观涛,刘青峰.兴盛与危机——论中国社会的超稳定结构[M].北京:法律出版社,2011.
[10]杜赞奇.文化、权力与国家——1900—1942年的华北农村[M].王福明,译.南京:江苏人民出版社,2008.
[11]李刚.南京国民政府民法·亲属法研究[D].开封:河南大学,2005.
[12]肖唐镖.从正式治理者到非正式治理者——宗族在乡村治理中的角色变迁[J].东岳论丛,2008(5):118-12.
[13]朱林芳.义庄:宗法一体化国家治理体系的一个样本[J].华中科技大学学报(社会科学版),2014(4):77-84.
[14]熊万胜,李宽,戴纯青.个体化时代的中国式悖论及其出路——来自一个大都市的经验[J].开放时代,2012(10):130-146.
[15]王阳.土客替代与都市郊区农村社区治理[J].南京农业大学学报(社会科学版),2015(4):16-25.
[16]吴家庆,苏海新.论我国乡村治理结构的现代化[J].湘潭大学学报(社会科学版),2015(3):25-31.
[17]徐选国.嵌入性治理:城市社区治理机制创新的一个分析框架[J].社会工作,2015(5):55-64.
[18]张祥平.制度对话:中国传统资源与西式模式优劣辨[M].北京:石油工业出版社,2001:5-7.
(1)三来一补:“三来”是指来料加工、来样加工、来件装配,“一补”是指补偿贸易,是改革开放初期尝试性地创立的一种企业合作贸易形式,始于1978年。“三来一补”的出现主要跟改革开放初期地方缺乏资金、技术和技术人员有关,但到了后期“三来一补”企业比例不断下降,并逐渐被“三资”取代。