摘要
印度尼西亚作为世界上最大的群岛国家，占据着太平洋与印度洋之间重要的海上交通要道，在地缘政治方面具有重要的战略价值；印尼是东南亚地区最大的国家，对东盟的发展以及东南亚地区的和平与稳定都具有重要影响。中国要建设和平的周边环境，发展与东盟国家的友好往来，处理好与美国、日本和印度等大国在东南亚地区的关系，就不得不重视与印尼的双边关系。因此，研究印尼的外交政策，尤其是研究民主改革时期的外交政策决策机制和外交政策内容的变化具有十分重要的现实意义。
研究印尼民主改革时期外交政策的另一个动因就是探讨外交政策理论的适用性问题。国际关系理论起源于西方，并且到目前为止，西方国际关系理论仍占据主导地位，这在外交政策理论研究方面同样如此。本文在借鉴微观外交政策理论研究视角的基础上，通过分析印尼民主改革时期国内因素对外交政策的影响，指出不同于西方成熟民主国家的外交政策分析理论，单一的官僚政治模式或组织过程模式都无法解释印尼外交政策发生的变化，而是要从印尼政治体制变化的角度出发，从威权政体向民主政体的转变是印尼外交政策变化的主要原因。与此同时，印尼发展过程中形成的世界观也是一个重要的影响因素。
本文除去序言部分共有七章，以历史发展为主线，运用比较政治方法对民主改革时期影响印尼外交政策的因素进行了分析，并指出在这些因素的影响下印尼的外交政策走向。
第一章主要介绍民主发展与对外政策理论。众多的外交政策分析理论可以分为两种，一种是从国际体系、国际环境等宏观角度入手，分析国家总体外交战略的制定和执行；另一种是从微观角度入手，强调对外交政策制定过程和决策机制的分析。民主对外交政策的影响属于微观角度分析，影响着国家的外交决策机制和外交政策内容。具体到印尼的外交政策，学者们所提出的“权力平衡”、“威胁平衡”等理论都不能很好地解释印尼当今的外交政策。所以，本文试图从民主与外交政策的关系入手分析印尼民主改革后的外交政策。
第二章回顾了后苏哈托时期印尼民主改革的背景和内容。1997年亚洲经济危机不仅对印尼的经济发展带来严重冲击，也引发了一系列政治社会危机。人民公开表示对苏哈托政府的不满，要求进行政治经济改革。苏哈托最终在国内外压力下辞职，印尼从此开启民主化进程。印尼民主发展中最终要的成果就是对1945年宪法的修改，从1999年到2002年一共对宪法进行了四次修改。确立了印尼的两院制总统制，明确了分权制衡原则，加强了议会在外交领域的话语权；取消了军队的“双重职能”，取消了对政党的限制，人民可以自由组建政党，在符合条件的情况下参加选举；规定言论自由，允许公民社会的发展，并将人权等内容写进宪法。
第三章从权力机构的角度分析印尼的民主化进程对其外交决策机制的影响。主要从三个方面进行阐述：民主政体下，总统的权力受到限制，一方面是受到行政机构内部限制，另一方面是受到立法机构的限制。在获取对外政策信息以及执行对外政策方面，总统依赖外交部；在国防领域，总统要咨询国防部的意见；在涉及到经济、金融领域则是经济部拥有很大话语权。同时，议会对外交政策的影响加大了，不再只是橡皮图章。人民代表会议第一委员会专门负责对外事物，有权干预任命驻外使节，有权批准国际条约，立法机关是对行政机关的主要制衡力量。军队被取消了“双重职能”，不再干预国家政治，也不再担任驻外大使等职位。
第四章从公民社会的角度分析印尼的民主化进程对其外交决策机制的影响。印尼开始民主改革后，取消了对公民社会的限制，允许言论、结社自由。印尼公民社会发展的一个特点是具有伊斯兰性质，政治伊斯兰势力在印尼具有很大影响力。伊斯兰教师联合会和穆罕默迪亚这两个伊斯兰组织在印尼社会具有很大影响力，一部分穆斯林还通过组建政党或是极端的恐怖主义方式影响国家对伊斯兰国家的外交政策。当然，印尼的外交政策中也体现了温和穆斯林的宽容等价值观。
第五章阐述了后苏哈托时期印尼民主化进程中所面临的挑战以及这些挑战对国家外交政策内容带来的影响。在经济危机中开始的民主改革除了要维护国内政治社会稳定外，还要将经济恢复与发展作为制定外交政策的重要考量之一；民主化进程提高了人民对人权等问题的关注，要求政府将民主与人权原则贯穿到对外政策之中；恐怖主义等非传统安全的威胁要求政府在加强与国际社会的反恐合作时，还要顾及国内穆斯林的情绪。利用印尼民主与伊斯兰并行不悖的性质充当西方国家与伊斯兰世界的桥梁。
第六章主要从印尼世界观的角度分析民主化对印尼世界观所带来的变化，并由此进一步影响到外交政策。从独立之初的苏加诺政府到军事政变上台的苏哈托政府，再到后苏哈托时期的民主政府，印尼形成了以“潘查希拉”、“独立、自由、平等”的价值观以及“大国思想”的世界观，印尼的外交政策目标也从最初开展“独立、积极”外交以维护印尼的主权和领土安全，发展到以外交为工具充当世界桥梁，进而争取世界领导权。
第七章在综合前几章分析的基础上，分析印尼在民主改革时期的外交政策走向，即开展“全方位”外交。东盟仍是印尼外交政策的基石，印尼今后会进一步促进东盟的一体化发展，促进东盟在民主人权领域的发展。同时，印尼还将积极利用双边多边关系拓宽外交舞台。而将民主原则和内容贯穿到对外政策之中提升了印尼的国际形象。随着印尼民主化进程的不断深入，其外交决策机制会越来越完善，在以“民主”为内容的同时进一步深化“全方位”外交。
As world’s largest islands country, Indonesia occupies the important maritimetransport routes between the Pacific Ocean and the Indian Ocean. So it has importantstrategic value in terms of geopolitics. Indonesia is the largest country in SoutheastAsia and has great influence in ASEAN’s development and Southeast Asia’s peaceand stable. If China wants to build a favorable climate in its periphery, developfriendly relationships with ASEAN countries, have good relations with the U.S.,Japan and India in Southeast Asia area, it has to pay attention to its bilateral relationswith Indonesia. So, studying Indonesia’s foreign policy especially its changingdecision-making mechanism and foreign policy contents during democratic reformhas important realistic meaning.
Another reason to study Indonesia’s foreign policy is to deal with the adaptabilityof foreign policy theory. The theory of international relations stems from the West,western international relation theory occupies leading position till now. This is alsotrue in foreign policy theory. This thesis uses micro perspective of foreign policytheory as bases and points out that we can’t explain the changes of Indonesia’s foreignpolicy if we only use bureaucratic model or organizational process model throughstudying how domestic elements influence Indonesia’s foreign policy duringdemocratic reform period. We have to focus on the changes in the political system.Changing from authoritarian regime to democracy regime is the main reason ofIndonesia’s foreign policy change. At the same time, the world view formed in theprocess of Indonesia’s history also plays an important role.
This thesis has seven chapters except the preface. It uses historical developmentas the main line, analyses the elements which influence Indonesia’s foreign policyduring democratic reform period through comparative politics, predicts Indonesia’sforeign policy orientation.
The first chapter mainly gives a reference to democracy development and foreignpolicy theory. All the foreign policy theories can be divided into two kinds. One usesmacro perspective such as international system and international environment asindependent variable to analyze nation country’s general diplomatic strategy, the otheruses micro perspective and emphasizes the analysis of foreign policy making processand decision-making mechanism. Democracy’s influence on foreign policy belongs to the micro perspective. It influences nation state’s foreign policy decision-makingmechanism and foreign policy content. As to Indonesia’s foreign policy,“balance ofpower” or “balance of threat theory” can’t explain Indonesia’s current foreign policyperfectly. So, this thesis tries to analyze Indonesia’s foreign policy through thedemocracy and foreign policy theory.
The second chapter reviews the background and content of post Suharto’sdemocratic reform.1997Asian Economic Crisis not only has a serious impact onIndonesia’s economy, it also triggers a series of social and political crisis. Peopleexpress their dissatisfaction publicly and demand social and economical reform.Suharto was forced to resign under the domestic and international pressure. Indonesiabegan its democratization process. The most important development is theamendment of the1945constitution. From1999to2002, Indonesia has amended theconstitution four times. Finally, the presidential system with bicameral system wasestablished. The constitution clearly stated the Check and Balance Principle, theparliament has more influence in foreign policy area. The military’s “dual function”was abolished and the restriction on political party was canceled, people can formpolitical party freely and can participated election if they match condition. Theconstitution also allows free speech and the development of civil society. Protectinghuman rights was also added to constitution.
The third chapter analyzes democratization’s impact on Indonesia’s foreignpolicy decision-making mechanism from the perspective of state organs. This chapterhas three parts. Under the democratic regime, the president’s power is restricted bythe administrative and the parliament. In terms of obtaining information andimplementation of foreign policy, the president has to rely on Ministry of ForeignAffairs. In terms of national defense, the president has to consult Ministry of NationalDefense. The economic department has more right on international economic andfinancial matters. At the same time, the parliament has more impact on foreign policy.The Committee I of the People’s Representative Council handles external affairs adhoc, it has the right to intervene the appointment of representatives abroad and toapprove international treaty. Parliament is the main counterbalancing force toadministrative. Military’s “dual function” was abolished, they can’t undertake theposition of ambassador and can’t intervene national politics.
The fourth chapter analyzes democratization’s impact on Indonesia’s foreignpolicy decision-making mechanism from the perspective of civil society. With thedemocratization process, Indonesia government called off the restrictions on civilsociety and allowed the freedom of speech and association. One characteristic ofIndonesia’s civil society is its Islamic nature and the political Islam has greatinfluence in Indonesia. Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah are the most influentialIslamic organization in Indonesia society. There are also some Muslims who influencegovernment’s foreign policy toward Islamic states through forming political party orterrorism. Of course,“tolerance” as moderate Muslim’s value is also reflected inIndonesia’s foreign policy.
The fifth chapter discusses the challenges that Indonesia faces during thedemocratization process and how these challenges influence its foreign policy content.The democratic reform which begins in the economic crisis not only has to stabilizedomestic politics and society, but also has to take economic recovery anddevelopment as the main consideration in its foreign policy. Democratization hasincreased people’s awareness of human right and other things related to democracy, sopeople ask the government to enhance democracy and human right in its foreignpolicy content. Terrorism and other non-traditional security threat forced governmentto take care of the mood of domestic Muslims when enhancing internationalcooperation against terrorism. Indonesia can take this chance to be the bridge betweenwestern world and the Islamic world.
The sixth chapter analyzes democratization’s impact on Indonesia’s worldviewand how this kind of worldview influences its foreign policy orientation. Fromindependence to Sukarno and Suharto’s authoritarian regime, the current democraticgovernment, Indonesia formed its special worldview which content is Pancasila, thevalue of independence, freedom and equality, big power state. Indonesia’s foreignpolicy destination evolves from protecting sovereignty and territorial security through“free and active” foreign policy to using diplomacy as vehicle to be the world’s bridgeand fight for the leadership of the world.
The seventh chapter analyzes Indonesia’s foreign policy orientation based on theanalysis in the previous chapters. That is “multifaceted diplomacy.” ASEAN still willbe Indonesia’s cornerstone in carrying out foreign relations. Indonesia will go onpromoting ASEAN’s integration process and enhancing ASEAN’s democracy and human right. At the same time, Indonesia will actively improve bilateral andmultilateral relations to broaden its diplomatic arena. Putting democracy principle andcontent in its foreign policy has enhanced Indonesia’s international image. As thedevelopment of Indonesia’s democratization process, its foreign policydecision-making mechanism will be implemented and will go on its “multifaceteddiplomacy” with promoting democracy as a main content.
引文
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②Ramlan Surbakti,“Formal Political Institutions,” in Richard W. Baker et al. ed., Indonesia: The Challenge ofChange (Leiden: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies,1999), p.62.
③Michael Leifer, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy (London: Allen and Unwin,1983), p.xvi.
①Jugen Ruland,“Deepening ASEAN Cooperation through Democratization? The Indonesian Legislature andForeign Policymaking,” International Relations of the Asia‐Pacific, Vol.9(2009), pp.373‐402.
②Rizal Sukma,“Can Democracy Realistically Prevail in Southeast Asia?”, The Jakarta Post,17December2007.
③Jusuf Wanandi,“RI’s Foreign Policy and the Meaning of ASEAN,” The Jakarta Post,6May2008.
①Remarks by H.E. Dr Marty Natalegawa, Foreign Minister of the Republic of Indonesia on the occasion of the7thGeneral Conference of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific,16October2009, Grand HyattHotel, Jakarta. http://www.cscap.org/uploads/GeneralconfReprot/7GenConfMinistersRemarks.pdf
②李文.东南亚：政治变革与社会转型[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2006年版，第63页.
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①Jun Honna, Military Politics and Democratization in Indonesia (Routledge Curzon,2003), P.165.
①[英]迈克尔·利弗，当代东南亚政治研究指南[M].厦门大学东南亚研究中心、香港城市大学东南亚研究中心，2003年版，第65页。
②丹迪·苏森托.印度尼西亚新防务战略解析——兼谈与中国在地区安全方面的合作[J].东南亚研究，2007年第5期，第7页。
①Simon Philpott, Rethinking Indonesia: Postcolonial Theory, Authoritarianism and Identity (London: MacmillanPress,2000),p.71
①Mohammed Ayoob,“Political Islam: Image and Reality,” World Policy Journal, Fall2004, pp.1‐14.
①Dipoyudo,“Indonesia’s Foreign Policy towards the Middle East and Africa,” The Indonesian Quarterly, Vol.13No4,1985, p.497
①Micheal Leifer, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy (George Allen&Unwin, Boston&Sidney,1983) P.138.
①Ahmad Ibrahim, Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS.1985), p.165.
②The Jakarta Post,30January1995.
③Riaz Hassan, Faithlines: Muslim Conception of Islam and Society (Oxford: Oxford university Press.2002), p.148.
④Adam Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia’s Search for Stability (New South Wales: Allen and Unwin,1999),p.173.
①Suryadinata, L, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy under Suharto: Aspiring to International Leadership (The TimesAcademic Press, Singapore,1996), p.144.
②Adam Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia’s Search for Stability (New South Wales: Allen and Unwin,1999),p.142
①Rizal Sukma, Islam in Indonesian Foreign Policy (Routledge, London,2006), P.76.
②Ibid., p.73.
①Angel M.Rabasa, The Muslim World After9/11(Santa Monica: RAND Corporation,2004), p.367.
②Rizal Sukma,“Islam, Politics and Society in Indonesia.1999,” Paper presented at Seminar on “Islam in Asia”, AsiaPacific Center for Security Studies, Honolulu‐Hawaii,16April1999.
①Hal Hill, The Indonesian Economy in Crisis (New York, St.Martin’s Press,1999), p.1.
①Faisal Basri,“Economic Crisis Amidst the Globalization Wave: Implications for Economic Cooperation in AsiaPacific,” Analisis CSIS,28(1),1999, pp.25‐39.
②K.Olds, P.F.Dicken, L.K.Kelly and H.W.Yeung, Globalization and the Asia Pacific: Contested Territories (London:Routledge,1999).
③W.Bello, The End of Asian Miracle, http://www.stern.nyu.edu~nroubeni/asia/miracle.pdf.
④Coping with Globalization, The Jakarta Post,22June2002.
①International Terrorism Issue Hinders National Economic Recovery: Analysts. The Jakarta Post,8May2002.
②Carunia Mulya Firdausy,“Foreign Direct Investment Can Help RI through Crisis,” Jakarta Post,29May2009.
①Juwono Sudarsono,“Human Rights: An Indonesian View,” Jurnal Luar Negeri No.32, Balitbang Deplu,1998,pp.23‐28
②N.Hassan Wirajuda,“National Implementation of International Human Rights Standards,” Jurnal Luar Negeri,Nomor: Keduapuluhtiga, Maret1993, pp.27‐35.
③Rizal Sukma,“Values, Governance, and Indonesia’s Foreign Policy,” in Sung‐joo Han, ed., Changing Values inAsia: Their Impact on Governance and Development (Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asian Nations and JapanCenter for International Exchange,1999), pp.115‐145.
①H.E.Mr.Ali Alatas, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia at the54th Session of the UN GeneralAssembly, New York,23September1999.
①United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report1993(New York and London, OxfordUniversity Press,1993), p.2; United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report1994(NewYork and London, Oxford University Press,1994), p.2
②United Nations, Human Development Report1994, Commission on Global Governance, Our GlobalNeighborhood (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1995).
③The International Human Development Program Research Project on Global Environment Change and HumanSecurity Synopsis, http://ibm.rhrz.uni‐bonn.de/ihdp/gechumansecurity.htm.
④Bjorn Moller,“National, Societal, and Human Security: General Discussion with a Case Study from the Balkans,”in UNESCO, ed., What Agenda for Human Security in the Twenty–First Century?(Paris,2000), p.41.
①Kofi Annan,“Two Concepts of Sovereignty,” Address to the54th Session of the UNGA, New York,20September1999.
①Azyumardi Azra,“Radical Muslim Groups,” Tempo,1June2003,p.52.
②Bruce Vaughn,“Indonesia: Domestic Politics, Strategic Dynamics, and American Interests,” CSR Report forCongress,2007.
③“436Terror Arrests in Indonesia Since2002,” The Australian,3March2009,http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,25133160‐5018491,00.html）
④Internatinal Crisis Group,“Indonesia: Jemaah Islamiyah’s Current Status,” Asia Briefing NO.63,2007.
⑤U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Terrorism2008,2009.
①Bruce Vaughn,“Indonesia: Domestic Politics, Strategic Dynamics, and American Interests,” CSR Report forCongress,2007.
②Sharif Shuja,“Gauging Jemaah Islamiyah’s Threat in Southeast Asia,” Terrorism Monitor, Volume3, Issue8,5May2005.
③U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Terrorism2008,2009.
④Tamara Makarenko,“Terrorism and Transnational Organized Crime: Tracing the Crime‐Terror Nexus inSoutheast Asia,” in Paul Smith ed., Terrorism and Violence in Southeast Asia: Transnational Challenges to Statesand Regional Stability (New York: M.E. Sharpe,2004).
①Audrey and George McT. Kahin, Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Street Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle inIndonesia (New York: New Press,1995).
①Speech by president of republic of Indonesia before the Indonesian council on world affairs, Jakarta, May19,2005. http://www.presidenri.go.id/index.php/pidato/2005/05/19/332.html
②Leo Suryadinata, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy under Soeharto (Singapore: Times Academic Press,1996), p.25.
③Michael Leifer, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy (London: Allen&Unwin,1983), p.39.
①Soekarno, speech at the opening of the Bandung Conference, April18,1955.http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1955Soekarno‐bandong.html.
②Ibid.
③Soekarno,“To Build the World Anew”, speech to the General Assembly of the United Nations, New York,September30,1960. www.bungkarno.net
④J.D.Legge, Soekarno: A Political Biography (Singapore: Stamford Press,2003), p.395.
①Leo Suryadinata, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy under Soeharto (Singapore: Times Academic Press,1996), p.8.
②Michael Leifer, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy (London: Allen&Unwin,1983),p.58.
③J.D. Legge, Soekarno: A Political Biography (Singapore: Archipelago Press,2003), pp.404‐415.
④Michael Leifer, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy (London: Allen&Unwin,1983),p.79.
①ASEAN, Bangkok Declaration, August8,1967, www.ASEANsec.org/1212.htm
②Leo Suryadinata, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy under Soeharto (Singapore: Times Academic Press,1996),p.37.
①World Bank, The East Asian Miracle: Economic Growth and Public Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1993).
②Leo Suryadinata, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy under Soeharto (Singapore: Times Academic Press,1996),p.177.
①”Indonesia Becomes UNSC Member,” Xinhua, October17,2006.
①Ambassador Sudjadnan Parnohadiningrat, Remarks at the National Press Club, August15,2006, Embassy ofIndonesia to the United States, www.embassyofindonesia.org.
②Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,“Shared Responsibility for Common Prosperity,” Statement to the Non‐alignedSummit, Havana, Cuba, September15,2006,www.indonesia‐ottawa.org/information/details.php?type=speech&id=99.
③Department of Defense, Indonesia, Buku Putih, p.28.
④Evelyn Goh,“China and Southeast Asia,” Foreign Policy in Focus, December12,2006, www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/3780.
⑤Indonesia Hopes for No Major Changes in Japan’s Foreign Policy, Jakarta Post, September28,2006.
⑥Dewi Fortuna Anwar,“Key Aspects of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy,” in Dewi Fortuna Anwar and Harold Croucheds., Indonesia: Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics (Singapore: ISEAS,2003),p.4.
①Dewi Fortuna Anwar,“Key Aspects of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy,” in Dewi Fortuna Anwar and Harold Crouch ed.,Indonesia: Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics (Singapore: ISEAS,2003),p.2.
②Indonesia Sticks to Free, Active Foreign Policy: President, Xinhua, August16,2006.
③Susilo Banbang Yudhoyono,“An Independent and Active Foreign Policy for the21st Century,” Jakarta, May19,2005; in Transforming Indonesia: Selected International Speeches. Jakarta: Office of the Special Staff of thePresident for International Affairs in Cooperation with PT Buana Ilmu Populer,2005, p.387.
④Michael Leifer, Indonesia’s Foreign Policy (London: Allen&Unwin,1983),p.xiv.
⑤Susilo Banbang Yudhoyono,“An Independent and Active Foreign Policy for the21st Century,” Jakarta, May19,2005; in Transforming Indonesia: Selected International Speeches. Jakarta: Office of the Special Staff of thePresident for International Affairs in Cooperation with PT Buana Ilmu Populer,2005, p.390.
②Indonesia Plans to Send Peacekeepers to Lebanon, Thai Press Report, September6,2006.
①Susilo Banbang Yudhoyono,“An Independent and Active Foreign Policy for the21st Century,” Jakarta, May19,2005; in Transforming Indonesia: Selected International Speeches. Jakarta: Office of the Special Staff of thePresident for International Affairs in Cooperation with PT Buana Ilmu Populer,2005, p.390
①Annual Press Briefing, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, H.E. Dr R.M. Marty M.Natalegawa,“Indonesia and the World2010,” Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Jakarta,8January2010.
①Rizal Sukma,“To Be Responsible, Indonesia Should Not Ratify ASEAN Charter,” Jakarta Post,2008‐07‐22.
②Dewi Fortuna Anwar,“The Impact of Domestic and Asian Regional Changes on Indonesian Foreign Policy,”Southeast Asian Affairs,2010.
③Rizal Sukma,“Indonesia Needs a Post‐ASEAN Foreign Policy,” Jakarta Post,2009‐06‐30.
①Malik Adam,“Promise in Indonesia,” Foreign Affairs (Vol.46),1968.p.301.
①Hall Hill and Chris Manning,“RI‐Australia Ties: What Went Wrong?”, Indonesian Quarterly27, no.4,1999,p.287.
③Australian‐Indonesian Relationship at historic high in2008, Jakarta Post.
①Juwono Sudarsono,“Indonesia and the United States,1966‐1975. An Inquiry into a de facto AllianceAssociation”, London School of Economics, University of London, Ph.D. thesis.
②Secretary of State Madeleine Albright,“Press Stakeout Following Bilateral Meeting with Indonesian ForeignMinister Shihab,” Bangkok, Thailand,29July2000. http://usinfo.org/wf‐archive/2000/000731/epf104.htm
③Obama Barack,“National Security Strategy,” Washington, D.C.: The White House,2010.
①Japan Invites Indonesia for Security Talks, Jakarta Post,9February2009.
①Amit Chanda,“Economic Pact between China and Indonesia,” Global Insight Daily,2005‐04‐26.
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①Peter Finn,“Russia, Indonesia Set$1Billion Arms Deal‐Moscow Seen Trying to Boost Clout in Asia,”Washington Post,7September2007, p. A14.
②Alexey Muraviev&Colin Brown,“Strategic Realignment or Déjà vu?–Russia‐Indonesia Defence Cooperation inthe Twenty‐First Century,” SDSC, The Australian National University, Canberra, December2008.
③Bill Guerin,“Indonesia‐Russia: Arms, Atoms and Oil,” Asia Times Online,12December2006,http://www.atimes.com/atimes/southeast_Asia/HL12Ae02.html
②Indonesia must Play Leading Global Role. The Jakarta Post,2005‐08‐20.
②Dewi Fortuna Anwar,“Key Aspects of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy,” in Dewi Fortuna Anwar, Harold Crouch eds.,Indonesia: Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics (Singapore: ISEAS,2003), p.4.
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