多样的欧洲民粹主义及其对民主制度的影响
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摘要
近年来,从意大利民粹主义新内阁成立到博尔索纳罗赢得巴西总统大选,从民粹主义政党兴盛到问鼎最高政治权力,民粹主义政治已经深刻地影响和改变全球政治。民粹主义主张"人民"反对"精英",希望还政于民,为被"忽视"、被"抛弃"的"人民"而战,反对政治建制派以及与他们勾结在一起的少数群体。左翼民粹主义是包容性的,反对屈服于金融资本主义和新自由主义的政治精英与组织机构。右翼民粹主义是"排外的",将"外来异质文化"、破坏社会的外来移民或非本民族排除在外。左翼民粹主义力量在南欧地区兴盛,右翼民粹主义在中东欧地区发展迅速且势力强大。从长远来看,民粹主义完全不是欧洲政治舞台上转瞬即逝的插曲,而将成为欧洲政坛的新常态。民粹主义将会在更多的国家参与组成内阁或执政。中东欧地区盛行的右翼民粹主义对民主制度的侵蚀效应是否会向欧洲大陆溢出,是否会成为全球政治趋势,将成为最令人担忧的问题。
Populist parties on both the left and the right are thriving and gaining political power in recent years.Witness the establishment of the new populist cabinet in Italy or the right-wing populist Bolsonaro winning the Brazilian presidential election.Left-wing populism which thrives mainly in Southern Europe is poised to spread into the rest of the continent while right-wing populism has grown exponentially in Central and Eastern Europe.In the long run,European populism is by no means a brief interlude and stands a very good chance of being a normal part of European politics.What is most worrying is whether populism,whose corrosive impact may lead to democratic deconsolidation,will spill over into the fragile European continent and become a global political trend.
Populist parties on both the left and the right are thriving and gaining political power in recent years.Witness the establishment of the new populist cabinet in Italy or the right-wing populist Bolsonaro winning the Brazilian presidential election.Left-wing populism which thrives mainly in Southern Europe is poised to spread into the rest of the continent while right-wing populism has grown exponentially in Central and Eastern Europe.In the long run,European populism is by no means a brief interlude and stands a very good chance of being a normal part of European politics.What is most worrying is whether populism,whose corrosive impact may lead to democratic deconsolidation,will spill over into the fragile European continent and become a global political trend.
引文
(1)Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser,“The Responses of Populism to Dahl’s Democratic Dilemmas,”Political Studies,Vol.62,No.3,2014,pp.470-487.
(1)Brubaker,Rogers,“Between Nationalism and Civilizationism:The European Populist Moment in Comparative Perspective,”Ethnic and Racial Studies,Vol.40,No.8,2017,pp.1191-1226.
(2)Cas Mudde,Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,p.543.
(3)E.Laclau,On Populism Reason,Londn:Verso,2005;F.Panizza,“Introdution,”In F.Panizza,ed.,Populism and the Mirror of Democracy,Londn:Verso,2005,pp.1-31.
(4)C.Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser,“Voices of the Peoples:Populism in Europe and Latin A-merica Compared,”Working Paper 378,Kellogg Institute,2011;C.Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser,“Exclusionary vs.Inclusionary Populism:Comparing Contemporary Europe and Latin America,”Government and Opposition,Vol.48,2013,pp.147-174.
(1)玛格丽特·卡诺凡区分了两种关于“人民”的定义,一是植根于共和的传统,另一个可追溯到黑格尔的浪漫主义传统。浪漫的民族主义者倾向于认为,人民是自然秩序的一部分,在历史发展的有机过程中逐渐成熟。而传统的共和党主义者认为作为市民的“人民”与他们居住的城市一样不是自然而然出现的,城市需要建设,所以“人民”通常是由一些英勇的创始人或立法者构建的。在共和党主义的设想中,人民是政治意愿的产物。参见Margaret Canovan,The People,Polity Press,2005,p.48。
(2)Gino Germani,“Los Procesos de Movilización e Integración y el Cambio Social,”Desarrollo Económico,Vol.3,No.3,1963,pp.403-422.
(1)Van der Waal et al.,“Some are More Equal Than Others:Economic Egalitarianism and Welfare Chauvinism in the Netherlands,”Journal of European Social Policy,Vol.20,No.4,2010,pp.350-363;Tim Reeskens and Wim van Oorschot,“Disentangling the‘New Liberal Dilemma’:On the Relation between General Welfare Redistribution Preferences and Welfare Chauvinism,”International Journal of Comparative Sociology,Vol.53,No.2,2012,pp.120-139;Jan Mewes and Steffen Mau,“Unravelling Working-Class Welfare Chauvinism,”in S.Svallfors,ed.,Contested Welfare States:Welfare Attitudes in Europe and Beyond,Stanford University Press,2012.
(1)卢克·马奇:《欧洲激进左翼政党》,于海青、王静译,北京:社会科学文献出版社,2011年,第179页。
(2)L.March,“Left and Right Populism Compared:The British Case,”The British Journal of Politics and International Relations,Vol.19,No.2,2017,p.284.
(1)李凯旋:《论金融危机后南欧民粹主义政党的兴起与发展前景》,《中国社会科学院研究生院学报》2017年1期,第138-144页。
(1)Margaret Canovan,“Trust the People!Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy,”Political Studies,Vol.XL,No.VII,1999,pp.5-6;Paul Taggart,Populism,Philadelphia:Open University Press,2000,p.108.
(2)Chantal Mouffe,“The‘End of Politics’and the Challenge of Right-wing Populism,”in Francisco Panizza,ed.,Populism and the Mirror of Democracy,London:Verso,2005,pp.54-59.
(3)李靖堃:《民粹主义对世界政治秩序的新挑战》,《人民论坛》2018年2月(中),第17页。
(4)Chantal Mouffe,“The‘End of Politics’and the Challenge of Right-wing Populism,”pp.54-59.
(1)E.Shils,The Torment of Secracy:The Background and Consequences of American Security Politics,Glencoe,Ill.:Free Press,1956,pp.100-103.
(2)Margaret Canovan,“Trust the People!Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy,”p.7.
(1)Brubaker,Rogers,“Between Nationalism and Civilizationism:The European Populist Moment in Comparative Perspective,”Ethnic and Racial Studies,Vol.40,No.8,2017,pp.1191-1226.
(2)Cas Mudde,Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,p.543.
(3)E.Laclau,On Populism Reason,Londn:Verso,2005;F.Panizza,“Introdution,”In F.Panizza,ed.,Populism and the Mirror of Democracy,Londn:Verso,2005,pp.1-31.
(4)C.Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser,“Voices of the Peoples:Populism in Europe and Latin A-merica Compared,”Working Paper 378,Kellogg Institute,2011;C.Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser,“Exclusionary vs.Inclusionary Populism:Comparing Contemporary Europe and Latin America,”Government and Opposition,Vol.48,2013,pp.147-174.
(1)玛格丽特·卡诺凡区分了两种关于“人民”的定义,一是植根于共和的传统,另一个可追溯到黑格尔的浪漫主义传统。浪漫的民族主义者倾向于认为,人民是自然秩序的一部分,在历史发展的有机过程中逐渐成熟。而传统的共和党主义者认为作为市民的“人民”与他们居住的城市一样不是自然而然出现的,城市需要建设,所以“人民”通常是由一些英勇的创始人或立法者构建的。在共和党主义的设想中,人民是政治意愿的产物。参见Margaret Canovan,The People,Polity Press,2005,p.48。
(2)Gino Germani,“Los Procesos de Movilización e Integración y el Cambio Social,”Desarrollo Económico,Vol.3,No.3,1963,pp.403-422.
(1)Van der Waal et al.,“Some are More Equal Than Others:Economic Egalitarianism and Welfare Chauvinism in the Netherlands,”Journal of European Social Policy,Vol.20,No.4,2010,pp.350-363;Tim Reeskens and Wim van Oorschot,“Disentangling the‘New Liberal Dilemma’:On the Relation between General Welfare Redistribution Preferences and Welfare Chauvinism,”International Journal of Comparative Sociology,Vol.53,No.2,2012,pp.120-139;Jan Mewes and Steffen Mau,“Unravelling Working-Class Welfare Chauvinism,”in S.Svallfors,ed.,Contested Welfare States:Welfare Attitudes in Europe and Beyond,Stanford University Press,2012.
(1)卢克·马奇:《欧洲激进左翼政党》,于海青、王静译,北京:社会科学文献出版社,2011年,第179页。
(2)L.March,“Left and Right Populism Compared:The British Case,”The British Journal of Politics and International Relations,Vol.19,No.2,2017,p.284.
(1)李凯旋:《论金融危机后南欧民粹主义政党的兴起与发展前景》,《中国社会科学院研究生院学报》2017年1期,第138-144页。
(1)Margaret Canovan,“Trust the People!Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy,”Political Studies,Vol.XL,No.VII,1999,pp.5-6;Paul Taggart,Populism,Philadelphia:Open University Press,2000,p.108.
(2)Chantal Mouffe,“The‘End of Politics’and the Challenge of Right-wing Populism,”in Francisco Panizza,ed.,Populism and the Mirror of Democracy,London:Verso,2005,pp.54-59.
(3)李靖堃:《民粹主义对世界政治秩序的新挑战》,《人民论坛》2018年2月(中),第17页。
(4)Chantal Mouffe,“The‘End of Politics’and the Challenge of Right-wing Populism,”pp.54-59.
(1)E.Shils,The Torment of Secracy:The Background and Consequences of American Security Politics,Glencoe,Ill.:Free Press,1956,pp.100-103.
(2)Margaret Canovan,“Trust the People!Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy,”p.7.